Wednesday, July 17, 2013

Taliban urges Malala to return to Pakistan.

A senior Pakistan Taliban commander accuses Malala Yousafzai of running a "smearing campaign" against the Taliban.

A senior Pakistani Taliban commander has written to Malala Yousafzai, the teenage activist shot by Taliban fighters.
In an open letter released on Wednesday, Adnan Rasheed, a former air force member turned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) cadre, said he personally wished the attack had not happened, but accused her of running a "smearing campaign" against the Taliban fighters and urged her return home and join a madrassa.
"It is amazing that you are shouting for education, you and the UNO (UN) is pretending that you were shot due to education, although this is not the reason ... not the education but your propaganda was the issue," Rasheed wrote.
He accused Malala of seeking to promote an education system begun by the British colonialists to produce "Asians in blood but English in taste" and said students should study Islam and not what it called the "satanic or secular curriculum".
"I advise you to come back home, adopt the Islamic and Pashtun culture, join any female Islamic madrassa near your home town, study and learn the book of Allah, use your pen for Islam and plight of Muslim ummah (community)," Rasheed wrote.
The letter, written in English, was sent to reporters in northwest Pakistan and its authenticity confirmed to AFP news agency by a senior Taliban cadre who is a close associate of Rasheed. It is understood Malala has not received the letter herself.
Gunmen from the (TTP) shot Malala, now 16, in the head in her home town in Swat, in the country's northwest, where she campaigned for the right of girls to go to school, last October.
Malala's fight back from her injuries and speech at the UN have inspired people around the globe to back her campaign for children to go to school, the response to her in Pakistan has been mixed.
Many have hailed her as a national hero but others have criticised her for promoting a "Western" agenda


Pakistani Army raped 2,00,000 Bengali women in 1971.

Pakistani Army raped 2,00,000 Bengali women in 1971.

This 5 years old Kid was injured by PAKISTANI FORCES during a peaceful demonstration at Hyderabad.

This 5 years old Kid was injured by PAKISTANI FORCES during a peaceful demonstration at Hyderabad. Today the family members of Mohammad Ali Noonari, a political activist of Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz who has been abducted by Pakistan agencies, came to protest at Hyderabad by-pass road along with women and children, police opened fire; resulting in 8 women and children injured.

Baloch Women Leading Fight to Secede Balochistan Region from Pakistan

Fahad Desmukh


For several years, Pakistan has been facing a separatist insurgency by ethno-nationalist rebels belonging to the Baloch ethnic group. The guerrillas in the southwest province of Balochistan have become increasingly daring with their attacks. Two weeks ago, they shocked the rest of Pakistan by destroying the historic residence of Pakistan’s founding father Mohammed Ali Jinnah in the town of Ziarat.
Balochistan is one of the most underdeveloped regions in Pakistan, and has traditionally had a heavily male-dominated patriarchal society. Women have rarely had a role in public life. But things have been changing recently, as increasing numbers of women are taking up active and leading roles in the Baloch nationalist movement.
One such women is Zarina Baloch. When her cousin was found murdered in February, it was a turning point in her life. Balock’s cousin, Sangat Sana, was a young political activist who supported the idea of Balochistan’s secession from Pakistan. He had been missing for two years before his mutilated body was found.
“I was in Karachi when I heard the news that the mutilated body has been found in Turbat. I don’t have words. What can I do?” she says. “I heard there is a protest by BHRO the next day, so I have to join that protest and I joined. I even spoke to many news channels and told them that my brother has been killed. I got his mutilated body.”
Zarina Baloch was a high school student then, and it was the first time she became politically active. Since then, attending protest rallies and sit-ins has become a part of her daily routine.

She attended a recent protest rally in front of the Karachi Press Club, with other women, young and old. They’re all wearing traditional Balochi dresses with intricate colorful embroidery, and most of their faces are covered with veils.
And at the back of the rally are a handful of men straggling along, and hardly as involved in the protest as the women.
“Shame on the United Nation’s silence!” the protest leader chants. “Where are you UN?”
This protest is about what is known in Pakistan as the “missing persons” issue.
In recent years, hundreds of young Baloch men – especially Baloch separatist activists – have “disappeared.” Their bodies have sometimes forcefully disappeared.
The dead bodies of many of the missing people have been found days, months or years later, often dumped on the roadside bearing signs of mutilation. Human rights organizations point the finger at the military and intelligence agencies.
Baloch nationalists have complained for decades of ethnic discrimination and exploitation by the Pakistani state. But the recent state-sponsored violence has pushed the movement in a new direction. What started as a demand for more rights has turned into a movement for outright secession.
And increasingly, women like Zarina are playing more active roles in that movement.
Mama Qadeer Baloch heads a rights group called Voice for Baloch Missing Persons. He helped organize this protest rally.
“Baloch society has traditionally been heavily segregated,” he says. “Women rarely leave the home, and when they do it is only for education. But ever since this barbarity of abducting and killing, and military operations started, women whose husbands, brothers, or father have been abducted have started taking to the street to raise their voices in protest.”
Maybe the most prominent female among the Baloch separatists is 29-year-old Karima Baloch. She is the vice-chair of the Baloch Students Organization. In 2009, she was tried in absentia by an anti-terrorist court for sedition. Officials accused her of defiling a Pakistani flag during a protest. She was sentenced to three years prison and is still on the run from authorities.
“And that’s what’s so striking,” she says. “In a region where women are for the most part neither seen nor heard, they are now not just silent supporters of the separatist movement: they’ve become its leaders.”
And while Baloch women are very active in Baloch political activism and organizing, there are no confirmed reports yet of women joining the armed struggle as fighters. But some suggest that time is not far off. It may happen eventually.
Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch is regarded as the Che Guevara of Balochistan. He’s a gynecologist-turned-guerrilla commander. He’s now leading the armed rebellion in the mountains of Balochistan. He spoke to a student conference a few years ago.
I appeal to my sisters. If in Palestine, Leila Khaled can pick up arms then can’t my sisters do the same? They should play Leila Khaled’s role. If the Iron Lady Margaret Thatcher can govern over Great Britain, if Tansu Ciller can govern Turkey, if Indira Gandhi can govern India, then don’t my sisters have the same talent and capability? They should play their role because this is the demand of the times. History is not written just for men. Both men and women make up the history of any nation.
In the speech, Nazar Baloch cites female revolutionaries from around the world. He exhorts Balock women to heed their example and join the guerrilla movement.
The idea of women joining the guerrillas has entered the public imagination. And Nazar Balock isn’t the only one putting out that message.
A recent Balochi-language feature film called “Jageen” glorifies the Baloch insurgency. It valorizes the insurgents and vilifies the Pakistani military.
Near the end of the film, the outnumbered rebels find themselves outnumbered and want to surrender. However, a female character calls them cowards for wanting to surrender and says she’ll take up arms and fight for the cause if the men are unwilling. In a kind of “Butch Cassidy and The Sundance Kid” ending, the band of rebels hold out against the military for three more days before being killed.
Naela Quadri used to be an assistant professor at the University of Balochistan and is now one of the most prominent female political activists from Balochistan.
At one point, she was hounded by authorities and had to go into hiding. She’s been in exile in Afghanistan since 2010, where she heads the World Baloch Women’s Forum.
“In one month there were nine military raids on my home to arrest me,” she says. “Our children were living in hidden places. For five years in Balochistan we were not able to live together as a family. My mother was very sick and my family needed me but all the time I was hiding hear and there and work. It was the first time in Baloch history that a girl was active in politics. Before me there was no one. Many cases were filed against me in different courts.”
Quadri says her nationalist struggle isn’t just about changing politics in Balochistan. It’s aiming for a deeper change in Baloch society. She describes how supportive her parents were when she took her first steps into Baloch politics in her student days.
“In the other parts of the world, women go for shopping, for education, for jobs,” she says. “But in Baloch society we live in a tribal society where mobility for women is very strict. Here this grand involvement of women in nationalist movement in freedom movement means a lot.
Protester Zarina Baloch agrees.
“It was the first time in Baloch history that a girl was active in Baloch politics,” she says. “Before me there was no one. My mother and father told me: It’s a big responsibility you are taking on your shoulders. You will make way for millions of Baloch women to participate in politics after you, or you will close the doors for a century.”
She knows she, too, is likely a marked woman. But she says, essentially, that it’s a question of, “if not me then who?” As in, who will fight for the rights of Baloch people and of Baloch women?
“Some of my family they scared,” says Baloch. “They say, ‘Hey a girl what are you going to do?’ I say ‘I have to do’ because I have to do something for my nation. I have to do something for my father for my brother. If today I will not do then the time will come that I will be killed by Pakistan army. I will weep that what did I do in my whole life.”
For Naela Quadri, it’s as though she paved the way for many other young women to follow in her footsteps and enter Baloch politics. Quadri insists that for the nationalist movement in Balochistan to succeed, it must also bring about a change in gender relations in society.
“Most of the time for any other nation, it may be easier for women to go out, in other parts of the world, women go for shopping, for education, for jobs,” says Quadri. “But in Baloch society it is tribal, where mobility for women is very strict. Here this grand involvement of women in nationalist movement in freedom movement means a lot. It means many chains of patriarchy, breaking many chains of slavery. It’s not just slavery from Pakistan. Slavery from the patriarchal chains also.”
That may be the case, but protester Zarina Baloch says her involvement is fundamentally an existential question.
“Some of my family, they scared,” she says. “They say, ‘Hey a girl what are you going to do?’ I say I have to do. ‘Why you are stopping me?’ I say to my families. If you will stop me, next is yours. I say this is the good things. I have to do something for my family. I have to do something for my father for my brother. If today I will not do then tomorrow the time will come that I will be killed by Pakistan. I will weep that what did I do in my whole life.


Children Freed From Forced Begging Ring In Karachi


Published 17 July 2013
Police in the Pakistani city of Karachi say they have freed 11 children and youths who had been kidnapped and forced to work as beggars. Two men accused of running the forced begging ring have been arrested. The children, aged between eight and 15, come from different regions of Pakistan. (RFE/RL's Radio Mashaal)

What did wrong this kids with crimnal state!!!

What did wrong this kids with crimnal state!!!

هي معصوم ٻار هن ملڪ جي قانون ۾ ڏوهي آهي ڇو ته هي ننڍڙو معصوم هن غير فطري رياست جي دوکي جي ديوار کي مڃڻ کان انڪار ڪرڻ وارن مان هو،
هن معصوم سميت اسان سڀ هن رياست جي نظر ۾ ڏوهي آهيون ڇو جو اسان سڀ پنهنجي هزارين سالن جي عظيم تاريخ ۽ وطن تي هيرا منڊي جي حرامي نسل جو قبضو قبول نٿا ڪيون.

بشير آريسر
هي معصوم ٻار هن ملڪ جي قانون ۾ ڏوهي آهي ڇو ته هي ننڍڙو معصوم هن غير فطري رياست جي دوکي جي ديوار کي مڃڻ کان انڪار ڪرڻ وارن مان هو،
هن معصوم سميت اسان سڀ هن رياست جي نظر ۾ ڏوهي آهيون ڇو جو اسان سڀ پنهنجي هزارين سالن جي عظيم تاريخ ۽ وطن تي هيرا منڊي جي حرامي نسل جو قبضو قبول نٿا ڪيون.

Reports of 'Islamism's' demise are greatly exaggerated

There's been a fair bit of commentary to the contrary. But it's not clear it's even a hammer-blow for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.

A supporter of Egypt's ousted President Mohamed Morsi stands in the shadow as he reads Islam's holy book Quran in Nasr city, Cairo, Friday, July 12, 2013. Thousands of supporters of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood group rallied in a Cairo city square, waving pictures of the ousted president and chanting anti-military slogans.
Hussein Malla/AP


When the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi was elected president in June 2012, many wondered if it heralded a transformational shift for Egypt, and perhaps for the whole region. After all, Egypt is the Arab world’s most populous country and is home to the Muslim Brotherhood, the granddaddy of the modern Islamist movements that emerged in the early 20th century.
Staff writer
Dan Murphy is a staff writer for the Monitor's international desk,
 focused on the Middle East. Murphy, who has reported from Iraq,
 Afghanistan, Egypt, and more than a dozen other countries, writes
and edits Backchannels. The focus? War and international relations,
leaning toward things Middle East.

The Brothers' victory, amid a time when old secular dictatorships seemed consigned to extinction, could prove that 'Islam is the solution' (the Brotherhood's slogan) after all, and many articles and commentators predicted their brand of political Islam would come to the fore across the Arab Middle East.
A little more than a year later, of course, Mr. Morsi is under house arrest, senior Brotherhood leaders arebeing hounded by the Egyptian military and court system, and millions of Egyptians who voted for Morsi appear to have turned on him. The coup was prompted by street protests against the Brotherhood that dwarfed the ones that convinced the top brass to dumpPresident Hosni Mubarak in February 2011, and the speed with which support bled from the Brotherhood was indeed stunning.
A headline in the Turkish Newspaper Milliyet (translated by Al-Monitor) last week asked, "With Fall of Political Islam, Are Fault Lines Emerging in Moderate Islam?" The day after the coup, the London Review of Books carried a post titled "The End of Islamism?" and the author answers "yes" to his question:
"It turns out that Morsi’s tenure was a blessing in disguise. If he had lost the presidency, Islamism would have remained the path not taken. But today, millions of Muslims have voted with their feet against Islamist rule. Those who grieve over this affront to ballot box democracy forget that Egypt, like any new democracy, has every right to seek popular consensus on the basic tenets of its future political system. Revolutionary France went through five republics before settling into the present order, and America needed a civil war to adjust its democratic path. It is not uncommon in the history of revolutions for coups to pave the way or seal the fate of popular uprisings. Those who see nothing beyond a military coup are simply blind. I asked the old, bearded man standing next to me in Tahrir Square why he joined the protests. ‘They promised us that Islam is the solution,’ he replied. ‘But under Muslim Brotherhood rule we saw neither Islam nor a solution.’ The country that invented Islamism may well be on its way to undoing the spell."
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has, of course, been overjoyed at Morsi's fall, locked as he is in a war for survival with rebels whom he has consistently sought to paint as Islamist terrorists. "What is happening in Egypt is the fall of so-called political Islam," Assad told a state newspaper on July 3. "This is the fate of anyone in the world who tries to use religion for political or factional interests."
Well, maybe. But is this really the death of political Islam, a modern ideology that has proven itself robust and adaptable over 80 years of frequently violent repression? Or even the death of the Egyptian Brotherhood? Despite a number of articles speculating so, this strikes me as not only a premature but unlikely conclusion.

A fickle mood

In Egypt, the public mood has been fickle. Mass protests in 2011 and 2012 decried military and police abuses, the use of military trials for civilians, and the military's running of the country for 16 months after Mubarak's downfall. Today, millions of Egyptians are singing the military's praises and cursing the Brothers as terrorists, traitors, and worse. All but forgotten was the murder of Khaled Said in 2010 by corrupt cops in Alexandria, an event that became a symbol of abuse and impunity under Egypt's long-running military dictatorship and proved the galvanizing factor in the street protests that drove Mubarak from power.
Who's to say, if Egypt's economy continues to deteriorate in the next year, that whatever amalgam of senior officers and civilian appointees are in charge won't be blamed for the country's troubles, and the crowd will look back toward the Brothers with rose-colored glasses? And while Morsi's year in power was by any measure a failure, it was only a year in power, and he inherited a mess that was decades in the making. It will be easy for the Brotherhood to argue that it failed not because its ideology was wrong, but because it wasn't given enough time.
“This had to play out this way, but it’s frustrating to me, as someone who is not a fan of the Islamist project, for Islamist rule of Egypt not to be allowed to completely fail on its own,” says Will McCants, a scholar of Islamist movements at the Center for Naval Analyses. “I worry that the coup has kind of short-circuited the process of the Islamists kind of hoisting themselves by their own petard and demonstrating that the ideology isn’t really fit for governance.”
And regionally, the impact of Morsi's election was probably always overstated.
While the Syrian brand of the Muslim Brotherhood has struggled, with Qatari support, to rebuild itself during the civil war (it was destroyed by Bashar al-Assad's father Hafez in the 1980s), jihadi groups who favor a much more authoritarian style of political Islam have made enormous inroads.

In Turkey and Tunisia, Islamists aren't going away

Turkey, where the Islamist AKP has faced protests of late, has nevertheless prospered under a decade of Islamist rule, and while Prime Minister Erdogan's party may suffer at the next election, the party isn't going anywhere.
Michael Hanna, a fellow at The Century Foundation in New York who closely follows regional politics, points to how Tunisia's Islamist Ennahda party handled Morsi's fall in Egypt.  
"If you look at some of the reaction, I think the most instructive one is Ennahda," he says, pointing out that while they opposed the removal of Morsi, they took great pains to distance themselves from the Brotherhood. "You know, 'we decry this usurpation of the democratic process and, by the way, we here in Tunisia are nothing like the Muslim Brotherhood, we are inclusive, we listen to the people.' [Ennahda's] reaction reflected a sense that the Brotherhood had messed up and they’re not the Brotherhood."
Tunisia's leading Islamist party has been having problems of its own, but has also been far better at adaptation and compromise than Egypt's Brotherhood. The Tunisian Islamists don't appear to be going away any time soon.
In Syria, Hanna says members of the local Muslim Brotherhood were privately telling him last year that the arrogant manner in which Morsi and Co. were running Egypt was hurting their cause locally, since it was getting in the way of forming coalitions with religious minorities. But Salafi groups, backed with heaps of cash from donors in Gulf monarchies like Saudi Arabia and a battlefield zeal unmatched by other rebel units, continue to thrive.
In Egypt, too, the Brotherhood is not the only option. The Salafi Nour Party, which won about 7 percent of the seats in the 2012 parliamentary election, was largely cut out of power by the Brotherhood, and when the time came supported the removal of Morsi. Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood, they remain untarnished by any failings while in power.
"It’s been fascinating to watch particularly in Egypt, but across the region, the Salafis really enjoy playing spoiler and sniping from the wings because they don’t have really any pretense towards a mass political party," says McCants. "My hope is that the Egyptian Broterhood looks at what happens and says 'OK, the big mistake we made was not being inclusive enough.' They didn’t even include Nour, which would have made a good ally if they’d given them some cabinet appointments, and they didn’t." 
Mr. McCants says his concern is that the Brothers will go the other way. "What they’re going to do I’m afraid is conclude that what’s better for us is to be much more serious about implementing Islamic law" and perhaps start building alliances with militant groups.
"My worry is that they learn to be far more intransigent, they learn to more strenuously cultivate ties to violent actors so they provide a credible threat to their opponents and state security. I don’t think they go back to grassroots, sort of (preaching and social outreach). I think I worry that it’s going to be a far harder Brotherhood that emerges out of this than the one we've seen in the recent past."

JUSTIN PANDERING TO ISLAMISTS .

 

JUSTIN PANDERING TO ISLAMISTS.

Tarek Fatah and Ezra Levant investigate Justin Trudeau's pandering to groups who support Sharia law and have radical Islamist affiliations

Egyptian girl shoots herself to death after refusing to wear hijab

Egyptian girl shoots herself to death after refusing to wear hijab
An Egyptian girl was subjected to “violence” by her family after refusing to wear her hijab. (File photo: al-Masrya News)

A 15-year old Egyptian girl who rejected her family’s pressures to wear the Islamic headscarf, known as the hijab, shot herself to death using her father’s hand gun, Egyptian media reported.
The girl, identified only as Amira , was subjected to “violence” by her family after she removed her hijab.
Preferring death to living under violence, Amira reportedly “sneaked” into her father’s room, took his gun and opened fire on herself, an investigation found, according to Youm7.

The girl’s suicide, which took place last week in an area of the Giza province, was reported by the popular Egyptian news website Youm7.

میرا قاتل کون ہے…؟ میں کس کی ملکیت ہوں…؟”


میرا قاتل کون ہے…؟ میں کس کی ملکیت ہوں…؟”


شہید کی کُهلی آنکهیں،اپنے آس پاس کهڑے لوگوں کو تکتے ہوئے،ڈهونڈتی ہونگی کہ اُن میں میرا قاتل کون ہے؟وہ کہ جس نے جسم سے روح کا جڑا دهاگہ کاٹ دیا….یا وہ تماشائی جو دور
shaheedکهڑے خاموشی سے میرے گهر میں بچهے صفحہ ماتم کو دیکهتا ہے. جس میں اتنی بهی جرات نہیں کہ آگے بڑه کر میرے جنازے کو کندها دے.میری ماں کی آنکهوں سے بہتے آنسو پونچه سکے،میری بہن کے سر سےاُتری چادر دوباره اس کے سر پہ ڈال سکے،میرے غمزده باپ اور میرے رنجیده بهائی سے ہمدردی کے دو بول بول سکے.
نجانے اس کے لہو سے کس کس کے ہاته رنگے ہوئے ہیں؟؟
کون ہے جس نے اسے قتل کیا؟کیا اُس کے قاتل محض ظالم قبضہ گیر ہیں کہ جس نے اسے اغواء کر کے شب و روز اذیت دے کر اسے مار ڈالا،اور اس کی لاش ویرانے میں پهینک دی؟یا وہ ضمیر فروش بهائی جس نے اس کی پیٹ میں چهرا گهونپا؟
ایک بدحال،بے بس و لاچار بلوچ اپنی بدحالی کا مورد الزام کسے ٹهہرائے؟وہ بد نصیب جو مرنے سے پہلے پل پل مرتا ہے.ہر لمحہ جہد میں لگا رہتا ہے،کئی دروازے مڈ کےلیے کهٹکٹاتا ہے.بهوک وپیاس سے نڈهال در بدر گهومتا ہے،جو زندگی کی معمولی ضروریات کے لیے بهی ترستا ہے جس کے سرپرست بهائی نے چند ٹکڑوں کے عیو ض اس جیسے کئی بهائیوں کو بهیچ دیا ہے.ان کی حالت ایسی کر دی ہےکہ نہ تن پہ کپڑا ہے نہ پیر میں جوتے نہ پیٹ میں کهانا اور دوسری طرف وه سوداگر جس کے اعلی نسل کے کتے بهی پُر آسائش زندگی گزارتے ہیں.وہ کسے اپنی بدحالی کا مورد الزام ٹهہرائے ،قبضہ گیر کو یا قبضہ گیر کے تلوے چاٹنے والے اپنے بےحس بهائی ک وکہ جس نے چند ٹکڑوں کے عیوض لاتعداد بهائیوں کی زندگیوں اور خوشیوں کی نیلامی کر کے اپنے لیے وقتی خوشی خریدی بقول کسی شاعر کے
“میں کس کے ہاته میں اپنا لہو تلاش کروں
تمام شہر نے پہن رکهے ہیں دستانے”
ان سوالات کا اخٹام یہاں نہیں اس سےآگے بهی ایک طویل سلسلہ چلتا ہے جہاں شہید کی سوچ اور مقصد سے نا واقف لوگ،اس کی لاش کا سودا لگانے اور اس کی بندر بانٹ کرنے پہنچ جاتے ہیں.اس کے اپنے مثل گده اس کے مرده جسم کو ٹکڑوں میں بانٹ کر اپنے حصے میں آئے ہوئے ٹکڑے پراپنی ملکیت کا مہر لگا دیتے ہیں اور حقیقی مالک کو اس کی مردہ جسم کی ملکیت سے بهی محروم کر دیتے ہیں.
اُس شہید کے بس میں ہو تو لحد میں سے اُٹه کر اپنے جسم کے سوداگروں کا گریباں پکڑ کے پوچهے کہ کیوں اس کی سوچ اور اس کے جسم کو اس کے حقیقی مالک سے چهین کر اس کا سودا لگا رہے ہو.کیوں مادر وطن کے فرزند کو ٹکڑوں میں بانٹ کر اُن پہ اپنی ملکیت کی مہر لگا رہے ہو.ایک بلوچ شہید کا مقصد و سوچ کہ جس پہ چل کے اس شہید نے اپنی جان کا نزرانہ پیش کیا ہوتا ہے وہ اس کی بچی کُچی ہڈیوں کے ساته اس کے لواحقین کر دی جاتی ہے.
مردہ جسم کے سوداگر لاش کا سودا لگا کر اپنے راستے چلے جاتے ہیں جبکہ اس کے سوچ کے پجاری اس شہید کی چهوڑی ہوئی منزل پہ روانہ ہو کے ٹوٹی کڑیوں کو وہی سے جوڑتے ہیں جدهر سے اس راہی کی شہادت سے یہ ٹوٹ گئی تهی.
حرف آخر پهر شہید کا وہی سوال کہ”میرا قاتل کون ہے؟” وہ جن کے ہاته میرے لہو سے رنگے ہوئے ہیں یا وہ جو اپنے دستانے پہنے میرے قتل میں شریک تهے.
میں کس کی ملکیت ہوں؟عظیم مادر وطن کی کہ جس کی آجوئی میرا مقصد حیات وموت تها یا وہ گروہ جو میری سوچ سے ناواقف،میرے مردہ جسم کے دعویدار بنے اس پہ اپنی اپنی ملکیت کا مہر ثبت کر چکے ہیں.
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