Wednesday, July 24, 2013

Dangerous times

THE first thing that strikes you upon speaking with journalists in Balochistan is the palpable sense of fear among them.
A few weeks ago, I met some of them while they were attending a workshop in Quetta. They came from all over the province, including some of the areas where the insurgency is at its height — Khuzdar, Awaran and Turbat. The common refrain was ‘don’t quote me by name or say anything that could indicate my identity’.
Journalists are a beleaguered community in the province. They face intimidation and worse from different quarters: the Frontier Corps, military intelligence agencies, pro-government anti-nationalist groups, sectarian and separatist militants as well as feuding tribes.
According to figures compiled by the Committee to Protect Journalists, 13 deaths have occurred in Balochistan between 2006 and 2012. Journalists in Quetta say that the actual death toll exceeds 30 in the past five years alone. No one has been put on trial, let alone convicted, for any of these murders.
In May this year, owners and chief editors of six newspapers were issued show cause notices by the Balochistan High Court for violating an earlier order not to publish statements by extremist organisations.
The papers in question had printed the claim of responsibility by a sectarian group, Jaish Al-Islam, for the murder of a police official the month before. One of the editors said the court told him it was no excuse to say that if he did not follow the militants’ instructions he would be risking his life.
Sometimes militants even insist on newspapers printing names of individuals that are on their hit list, which gets the publications into further trouble with the law.
Press releases from extremist organisations, even political parties who champion press freedom, are common. They often arrive with a note saying “Publish without editing”.
This is generally followed up with instructions as to which page and in how many columns the release should be printed. There is no editorialising of news: making your opinions known in such circumstances would be highly reckless.
As far as possible, Balochistan journalists’ strategy is to report on the most innocuous happenings — the building of a new road, minor local government issues, a health seminar, and the like.
But that is difficult to pull off in a province with a raging insurgency, a state that resorts to unconstitutional and repressive measures to deal with it, and terrorists of all stripes wreaking havoc.
Working in such an environment can be like picking one’s way through a minefield. Journalists speak of having to be careful of every word they use, to the extent of counting how many words they use for each side so as not to seem partial.
‘Mistakes’, however inadvertent, can be deadly. Chisti Mujahid, a veteran columnist for Akhbar-i-Jehan, was gunned down in Quetta in 2008 by the separatist Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), because of an article he had written on the death of their leader Balach Marri.
The sub-editor in Karachi had embellished it with a well-known verse by Bahadur Shah Zafar lamenting his exile, which the BLA construed as an insult to Marri. Such are the risks when editing takes place in distant newsrooms by those without a nuanced understanding of the situation.
There are times when journalists will ask their head office in Quetta or elsewhere to omit the dateline (which describes when and where a story is filed) to make it more difficult to identify them.
And that’s notwithstanding the fact that most of them, especially district correspondents, work without a byline anyway, which is common practice in rural and tribal areas all over Pakistan.
Most such journalists also work without pay or for a pittance. One journalist, who works for a news agency, told me he was expecting to be paid Rs2500 in a couple of months, and couldn’t say when any subsequent pay cheques would materialise.
Compensation lies in the ‘enhanced prestige’ journalists acquire by wielding a press card and thus gaining access to local power circles, which also puts them in a position to get favours — reportedly in cash or kind.
That’s part of the problem. For although there’s little doubt that conditions for journalists in Balochistan are fraught, journalists themselves and media owners also bear some responsibility for their predicament.
A number of journalists, despite claims of impartiality, are said to be aligned with either the government or the nationalist groups, or they take sides in tribal/political conflicts. That leaves them open to allegations of biased coverage by groups willing to make their point through the barrel of a gun. Certain publications that as per policy have never printed press releases, do not find themselves under the same level of pressure.
Much of the time, journalism here, especially for district correspondents, is a part-time profession — as it has to be, given the lack of compensation. Many of them are working as teachers, clerks, even shopkeepers and newspaper distributors while moonlighting as journalists.
The Quetta-based Balochistan Union of Journalists refuses to grant membership to such “part-time” reporters. The provincial government also gives accreditation only to those journalists who work inside Quetta while those based in the remaining 30 districts do not get official recognition.
This deprives them of vital institutional support needed to forge a united front to demand action against coercion, threats and physical harm and also to formulate a policy dealing with ethics and professional practice.
There was a partial attempt towards this when a three-member journalist committee decided that newspapers would only print militants’ claim of responsibility and not the entire statement. After a period of restraint, however, the same practice is back.
Meanwhile there are reportedly more training opportunities for news media, which is important to bring some professionalism into the journalist cadre.
That must, however, be backed up by media houses/owners paying the journalists adequate compensation instead of leaving them at the mercy of circumstances where they are expected make their way as best they can with little more than their press card.

Intizar zaidi on how Pakistani 'community leaders' in the Toronto area (Markham-Mississauga) are hand-in-hand with ISI agents working out of the Pakistan Consulate in Toronto.



 Intizar zaidi on how Pakistani 'community leaders' in the Toronto area (Markham-Mississauga) are hand-in-hand with ISI agents working out of the Pakistan Consulate in Toronto.

There’s no place for the ISI in Canada | My column in The Toronto SUN.

"The sooner Canada expels this vermin [ISI] from our land, the better it will be. Our federal government should send a clear message to Islamabad: “Your goons are not welcome in Canada, even if they hide under the burka of diplomatic titles.”


July 23, 2013

There’s no place for ISI in Canada

Tarek Fatah

When two former U.S. ambassadors to Pakistan make common cause with a leading British apologist of successive military regimes in Islamabad and they try to destroy the reputation of an academic who has just recently exposed a billion-dollar military scam, something is rotten.

Meet Ayesha Siddiqa, a military analyst with a PhD in War Studies from King’s College, London, and a contributor to the prestigious Jane’s Defence Weekly.

In 2007, Dr. Siddiqa authored Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy, a brilliant book that exposed the truth about how Pakistan’s generals are looting the country while pretending to protect it.

Ever since her expose of the Pakistan Military-Industrial complex, she has become a pariah, shunned not only by the generals who run Pakistan, but also by a roster of Americans and other westerners who lobby for Pakistan’s interests in D.C.

It all came to head on June 27 when Siddiqa tweeted that a Pakistani diplomat had confided that the ISI — Pakistan’s dreaded secret intelligence agency — had set up funds to infiltrate think tanks in Washington DC. The tweet was picked up by the Times of India with a story headlined “ISI has infiltrated US thinktanks, Pak scholar says.”

This is when two former U.S. envoys to Pakistan, ambassadors Wendy Chamberlin and Cameron Munter, joined hands with a UK apologist for the Pakistan Army, author Anatol Lieven, a retired Pakistan Army general, and at least a dozen other people who work for U.S. think tanks, to accuse Siddiqa’s actions as “disgraceful” and demand a retraction. She did not oblige.

It’s a mystery why two former U.S. ambassadors would find it necessary to lend their name to a character assassination of Dr. Siddiqa. Analyst Anatol Lieven is best known for his soft corner with all things military in Pakistan. He once wrote a eulogy to Pakistan’s most brutal military dictator, Gen. Zia-ul-Haq in these words:

“He (Gen. Zia) won respect … for his lack of vindictiveness. It was said his repression, unlike that of his predecessor stopped with individuals and was not extended to attempts to destroy their families. From that point of view he had some claim to be remembered as an honourable man.” 

We may not know for sure if the ISI has infiltrated U.S. think tanks. But what we do know is that the long arm of the ISI has reached Toronto where it is targeting critics of the Pakistani military junta and those who expose the ISI’s work in North America.

One of their targets is yours truly. On Sunday, July 7, a Pakistani Islamist newspaper, The Nation, ran a back page ISI-inspired story accusing me of being an agent of the Indian and Israeli secret intelligence agencies, RAW and Mossad.

I assume the intent was to silence me. It didn’t.

Ayesha Siddiqa and I are not the only ones in the ISI crosshairs. Recently the host of an ethnic TV show in Urdu complained a Toronto-based Pakistani diplomat was harassing him and had referred to Pakistani Canadian journalists as “prostitutes” and “Indian agents.”

The ISI makes no qualms about its hit squads. Appearing before a commission investigating the U.S. Abbotabad raid that killed Osama bin Laden, the then- ISI boss threatened its critics, saying those who criticized the ISI should fear the ISI.

The ISI has no business targeting Canadian citizens. The sooner Canada expels this vermin from our land, the better it will be. Our federal government should send a clear message to Islamabad: “Your goons are not welcome in Canada, even if they hide under the burka of diplomatic titles.” 

Baloch IDPs attacked in Gotkki district Sindh, several abducted: BRP


<a href='http://balochwarna.com/features/articles.38/Nawab-Bugti-%E2%80%98Riding-the-camel-with-reins-in-my-hand%E2%80%99-lives-in-our-hearts.html'>Nawab Bugti: ‘Riding the camel with reins in my hand’ lives in our hearts</a>Deera Bugti:The Baloch Republican Party in a press release claimed that Pakistan security forces have attacked the Baloch IDSs in Gotki district in Sindhi on Tuesday.

According to the press release the houses of IDPs were attacked, looted off valuables and the residents were tortured and abducted. Wadera Hasil Khan Bugti’s house was attacked and his aged mother namely Hani bibi, his wife Murad Khatoon and infant son Abdul Rehman were abducted and taken toward an undisclosed location.

Dozens of other people including women and children were also abducted but their identity could not be ascertained immediately. The state forces looted & took away valuables from the houses of poor Bugti IDPs including cash, livestock and grain which they earned after years of hard-word in the difficult living conditions as IDPs.

Hundreds of thousands Baloch mostly Marri and Bugti tribesmen migrated to different parts of Balochistan, Sindh and even in Afghanistan after the start of military operations and atrocities in their homeland. Military operation started in early 2000 still continues unabated even after almost a decade and continues.

State forces launch armed offensives against Baloch civilians on daily basis, attack their villages, kill and abduct their loved ones, torch their houses and standing crops, loot their valuables and livestock, pollute the sources of drinking water and plant landmines. 

“All these atrocities are aimed at compelling the poor inhabitants of the areas to migrate and pave a way for foreign multinational companies to loot and plunder Balochistan’s natural resources. China is a major crime partner of Pakistani state in Baloch genocide and ongoing atrocities in Balochistan. It is eyeing the Baloch national wealth i.e. the natural resources of Balochistan,” Said the BRP.

Baloch Republican Party appealed to the international community and world human rights and refugee organisations to take action on the forceful migration of Baloch people from their homeland and attacks on them even after the migration, adding that, “If serious measures have not been taken to safeguard the lives of innocent Baloch civilians, it is feared that the sense of immunity by Pakistani forces will take more innocent lives in coming days.