Why do the Baloch Reject the 2013 Election? Dr Allah Nizar Baloch .

    Kech :Colonial powers such as Pakistan make laws to justify their occupation, and to exploit the resources of the colonized by hiding behind the obscuring veil of the state and elections.

The Indian National Congress took part in elections under an electoral framework formulated by the British Empire. According to Abdul Kalam Azad, the President of the Congress, all Congress ministers would work under the influence of British governors, and would adopt policies dictated by those governors, as a result of these elections. Is it not true that wherever colonials formulate laws, they aim to legitimize their exploitation and plunder under the shadow of those very laws?

The same thing has been happening in our Baloch land since 1948. The whole nation has been taken hostage, in exchange for a small share of state power for a small group of individuals (and that, too not at the state’s highest levels) . In order to protect and sustain this small privileged group, elections will be held in occupied Balochistan–with the help of extensive force.

In March 1948, Pakistan violated international laws governing political boundaries, and invaded the Baloch land by military force. From day one and up to 1973, the Pakistani assembly passed many laws to thwart the Baloch land’s political status, and annex it to Western Pakistan-cum-Punjab. Similarly, those laws and legislative institutions became the basis for the execution of the Baloch people. Everyone, from Babu Nowroz to Hamid Baloch, was a victim of these same assemblies and of their drafted laws. On the basis of such laws and assemblies, non-Balochi languages were imposed on the Baloch, their cultural values were distorted, and extensive efforts were made to cause the Baloch to be attracted to the unnatural country of Pakistan–a trend that continues today.

All these legislative insinuations and their formulated laws have been used as a bare sword by Pakistani terrorists to shower themselves with the blood of the Baloch people. The Pakistani army’s genocidal war crimes are being justified on the basis of such laws.

The Baloch national struggle, which aims to regain our national freedom, complies with international laws. It respects all human values, and uses all possible means through which it can counter the brutal army of Pakistan and its death squads. Besides, the Baloch nation, through peaceful means, tries to make the world understand that the Baloch is fighting for the attainment of a free and independent state, while fully respecting globally recognized human rights and values.

The Baloch is struggling for a secular and justice-based state, which would be a buffer state against extremism, terrorism and racism. Indeed, not only the region, but also the entire world would benefit from a free Balochistan. Achieving freedom, the Baloch nation will use its resources for its own welfare, while standing shoulder to shoulder with all peace-loving nations to work for the elimination from the human society of all types of weapons of mass destruction.

The Pakistan media and the pro-Pakistani Baloch groups propagate that opposing Pakistani laws and assemblies are a kind of enmity with democratic values. The so-called democratic groups should understand why Baloch freedom fighters oppose these so called elections:

1- By appointing just a few persons, the Pakistan intelligence agencies try to convince the world public opinion that the Baloch recognize Pakistani institutions, and that, the occupation of Balochistan has taken place in accordance with the will of the Baloch people. They also want to convey to the international community, particularly the UN, that the occupation of Balochistan is a legitimate act.

2- The colonial assemblies, so far, have only passed laws through which the Pakistani establishment can enhance its grip over the occupied territory, such as annexing Jacob Abad (Khan Garh), Rajanpur, DG Khan to Punjab and Sind, depriving the Baloch from their mother tongue, and distorting their culture. Under the colonial laws the natural resources of Balochistan have been given to the army and secret services, to be used for depriving the Baloch people from their right for freedom (as Raeesani and Magsi governments have given the Baloch resources to the army, FC and Rangers and have committed genocide against the Baloch people). Similarly, the coming assembly would remain loyal to the federal government, and would pass the same laws, which it has been passing from 1948 up to now.

3- The main aim of these elections is to create a privileged class, which would be operate as a fifth column against freedom activists. We have seen members of previous assemblies admitting on assembly floors that they had authorized the FC and the Army to conduct military operations in Balochistan. Killing and dumping thousands of Baloch people is the only achievement that these assembly members can speak of.

4- These elections aim at passing laws against the Baloch freedom struggle, at devising legal ways to exploit the national resources of Balochistan to occupiers, and convincing the world public opinion that the Baloch themselves are signing such agreements through assemblies. In this regard, the Saindak project, the Reco-diq project, Gawader port, Sui Gas field all are clear examples. This assembly, in the name of democracy, would pass such laws through which it would legalize the exploitation of the resources of our Baloch land.

5- The occupier state would introduce these puppet assembly members as representative of the Baloch nation to the world, and would try to legalize the occupation of the Baloch land.

Therefore, based on the above points, the freedom-loving nation of the Baloch has realized that it will not be a part of Pakistani institutions, and conveys this message to the world: These institutions are not representing the Baloch nation. At present, the entire Baloch nation has rejected the Pakistani parliament-loving-people, and they are facing severe rejections in almost 95 per cent of Balochistan’s regions. The faithful and neutral media, civilized and human-loving nations, and the international institution including the UN, need to include the Baloch national struggle in their agendas, and declare Balochistan a conflict zone.

Media corruption in corrupt Pakistan.

The image drew the immediate fury of Tehran's religious conservatives. “No unrelated women can be touched unless she is drowning at sea or needs medical treatment," Hojat al-Islam Hossein Ibrahimi, a cleric at the Society of Militant Clergy, said, according to Iran's Al-Monitor.

2013 Pakistan Elections and Balochistan: An Overview

CrisisBalochistan | May 7, 2013 | 2013 Pakistan Elections and Balochistan: An Overview

By Jawwad Baloch

In a nutshell, it seems unlikely that the elections will be conducted fairly in Balochistan due to the army’s presence and the outcome could be no less than that of the 2008 elections, but a responsibility lies on the Baloch stakeholders to find a feasible solution to lessen the agony of the people. While taking part in elections will not guarantee any solution to the issues all at once, it can give a fair share of hope to the Baloch political parties and allow them to gain some breathing space for reorganizing themselves. Boycotting the elections risks paving the path for the army to install a dummy government like that of Aslam Raisani’s and creating more opportunity for the likes of Shafeeq Mengal and Siraj Raisani to continue expanding their reign of terror across Balochistan.
As the 2013 general elections fast approach in Pakistan, the security situation all across the country has taken a serious blow with armed militant outfits carrying out attacks on the election offices and corner meetings of various political parties of Pakistan. In the past month, the media has been filled with headlines related to the attacks on candidates of various parties resulting in casualties and death. The motive behind these attacks is to disrupt the electoral process and compel the political parties to boycott it. Though there are different theories behind these attacks, the clash for power between the Pakistani political elite and military establishment seems clear. The latter is determined to retain its supreme power as it had a free role in suppressing the Baloch insurgency, double crossing the West in the war on terror and so on without considering the adverse repercussions on the country's stability. So to prolong its reign, the army is trying its best to derail the electoral process via its backed militant outfits to prevent the political elite from taking over the next government, fearing its writ in the country’s internal and foreign affairs could be limited. The coming general elections could be decisive in determining Pakistan’s future depending on the outcome and the party that will run the presidential office.
The political elite of Pakistan seemingly want to bring a transitional change in the country’s internal and foreign affairs in order to pull it out of the current entangled mess. Various political parties are in contention to be the ruling party after the elections. PPP, MQM, JUI,PML-Q, PTI are widely regarded as parties loyal to the military establishment whilst on the other hand PML-N seems to be the opposition party determined to halt military rule. The army, aware of the consequences, is endeavoring to disrupt the election campaign by creating an atmosphere of lawlessness through its proxies. And to accomplish this task, even supportive parties, such as the MQM and ANP which were part of the previous government, are being targeted to malign the credibility of the elections. In these circumstances, the post-election scenario appears to be such that even if Nawaz Sharif wins the elections, he will find it hard to complete his tenure due to the chaotic situation which will likely prevail during his government.
A political government opposing the army’s vigilante role, should it come to power, can bring a cosmetic change in normalizing the unstable situation prevailing in Pakistan and repair the breakdown of trust of the Baloch nationalists caused by the army’s reprisal policies. To sustain its economic interest in Gwadar, Chamalang and Reko Diq mega projects and other illegal drug trafficking trades the army considers such a situation unfavorable to its interest and wants no barriers to continuing its loot and plunder of Balochistan. The military wants the anarchy in Balochistan to prevail because it supports their interests and with no political atmosphere and the absence of Baloch leadership it will ease their task to cause the situation to further deteriorate by creating a breeding ground for more anti-Baloch proxy organizations as measures to neutralize the Baloch struggle.
For the Baloch, it is essential to restore the political environment in order to revive the surface politics and recover the losses endured in the past decade of struggle. Nawaz Sharif, vowing to resolve the Balochistan issue as the main priority of its party manifesto, gives the impression that he if comes in power he can help Baloch get some breathing space by forging a negotiation process. The political elite have realized that the country is on the verge of destabilization due to the tyrannical approach of the army in handling internal issues, in particular the Balochistan conflict. In the past few years, it is evident that the army has established death squads such as Nifaz E Aman Balochistan and Balochistan Mussala Defa Tanzeem to target kill the cream of Baloch society. The army with the illusion of being the wrath of God still believes the issue can be defused by using lethal force and is therefore unwilling to allow the political elite to take over as it wants to sustain the current atmosphere of anarchy to militarize the Baloch society, leaving no hope of any political settlement of the issue.
Furthermore, to preserve its interest in the region, the army has turned Balochistan into a sanctuary for terrorists. The breeding of Islamist forces on Baloch soil has a negative impact on neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan’s role in harming the West’s interests and efforts to disrupt the reconciliation process in Afghanistan are hidden to none as it is providing safe haven to terrorists in Balochistan. The May 2nd Abbotabad incident summarizes Pakistan’s role in the war on terror.
With surface politics being jammed, religious fundamentalism is also gaining momentum across many districts of Baloch society. ISI-backed Tableeghi Jamaats and terrorist outfits such as Lashkar e Jangvi and Sipah e Sahabah have been given a free hand to operate and use the tool of religion to establish firm roots in many districts of Balochistan. The purpose of promoting religious sentiments among secular Baloch societies and the recruitment of Baloch youth is to make them what the military establishment regards as ‘perfect Muslims,’ to cause them to abandon their support for Baloch nationalism and hence to be used in the attacks on Shia minorities and eventually against the Baloch nationalists. The prime motive behind this is to give an impression to the international community that the law and order situation in Balochistan is worsening not due to the Baloch national struggle but sectarian violence.
The politicians who are aware that Pakistan is a sinking ship want to repair the damage caused by the army’s mishandling of the situation in Balochistan and the war on terror by starting peace talks to reconcile with the Baloch nationalists and also to make amends to rebuild the trust between Pakistan and the West caused by the army’s double policy in fighting the Taliban, which has put the country’s sovereignty at stake. The mismanagement of both situations has tarnished Pakistan’s image internationally and they seem eager to take over and control the situation should they secure a two-thirds majority, which seems difficult.
Regarding the topic of the disruption of election campaigns in Balochistan by Baloch militant outfits, there are several setbacks caused by the situation. The Baloch who earn their livelihood from government institutions, primarily teachers, officers and so on, have been threatened by the Baloch groups to refrain from performing their duties held in polling stations. The government, however, has warned it will cut the monthly salaries (and possibly suspend) those who avoid attending. These twin threats have put the common people into a state of shock and confusion whether to risk their livelihoods or to preserve their lives. It is pertinent to ask why through the barrel of the gun the Baloch outfits are forcing a boycott by those willing to take part in elections when they themselves vow to endorse democracy and equal rights of Baloch people. The use of guns to force people to submit to their will is not a solution, rather it gives a negative image of the Baloch struggle to the international community. If they are not in the position to compensate the ones who risk losing their livelihood due to their actions then why make their lives more miserable by negatively impacting the psychology and economy of the commoners? Indeed, the sentimental attachment of the Baloch populace to the Baloch nationalist forces still persists, but adopting such tactics could make the people lose their hope in them.
In a nutshell, it seems unlikely that the elections will be conducted fairly in Balochistan due to the army’s presence and the outcome could be no less than that of the 2008 elections, but a responsibility lies on the Baloch stakeholders to find a feasible solution to lessen the agony of the people. While taking part in elections will not guarantee any solution to the issues all at once, it can give a fair share of hope to the Baloch political parties and allow them to gain some breathing space for reorganizing themselves. Boycotting the elections risks paving the path for the army to install a dummy government like that of Aslam Raisani’s and creating more opportunity for the likes of Shafeeq Mengal and Siraj Raisani to continue expanding their reign of terror across Balochistan. There is a sliver of hope that the Baloch might reduce their prevailing grievances in the case a political environment is restored. Without it, Balochistan will evolve into another Afghanistan where its people will be forced to live under the shadow of the gun.


http://www.crisisbalochistan.com/secondary_menu/analysishistory/2013-pakistan-elections-and-balochistan-an-overview.html

The story of the next Malalas: the moment the Women in the World Summit became a powerful call to action.

Sharmeen Obaid Chinoy, Humaira Bachal, Khalida Brohi, and Christiane Amanpour on “The Next Malalas” at the Women in the World Summit. (Marc Bryan-Brown)  

 

Answering A Bullet  

 

“We don’t let our women leave the house,” says the man on the screen, his face burned dark by the sun, his eyes sure of what he’s talking about. There is no hint of shame as he refuses even to think about letting women work in the local market. “If a girl goes to school, she becomes independent. Our response to such behavior is a bullet.”            
Khalida Brohi, a young woman barely in her 20s and wearing tribal dress, looks at this elder in Pakistan’s rugged, troubled territories—the same sort of village she comes from—and says, only half as a question, “The answer to all your questions is a bullet?”
 “When it comes to our honor, the only answer is a bullet,” he says.           
 “It’s not the girl’s fault,” counters Brohi.           
The elder and other men around him laugh mirthlessly. “You may be right,” he says, “but if it happens with our women, the answer is always a bullet.”
That dialogue and that phrase—“a bullet”—crystallized the issues around which the Women in the World Summit became a powerful call to action. It was a game-changing moment when what is really at stake became abundantly clear.

 

 

 

The summit, organized by Newsweek and The Daily Beast, took place last week at Lincoln Center, with women from Africa and Latin America, from Asia and the United States, and indeed from around the world, making the point—again and again—that the global struggle for women is not just to “lean in” as individuals, but to “lean on” society and government to open up greater space for all women to advance and thrive, as Tina Brown put it.
Among the extraordinary testimonies was that of Malala Yousafzai, the teenager who is still recovering in Britain after an assassination attempt by the Taliban and sent a video message to the audience at Lincoln Center. Yousafzai took a bullet to the head and, miraculously, survived to keep fighting for greater education in Brohi’s region.
Hillary Clinton, also speaking at the summit, in what really was her first major policy address since she stepped down as the U.S. secretary of State, lauded Malala’s bravery for claiming the rights to play, to dance, to be educated, to grow—the most basic conceivable rights. “The Taliban recognized this young girl, 14 at the time, as a serious threat,” said Clinton. “And you know what, they were right. She was a threat.”

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“If we choose to stay there, we must fight every single day.”

Or, as Angelina Jolie, who also attended the summit, memorably put it: “They shot her point-blank range in the head—and made her stronger.” Jolie not only paid tribute to Malala onstage—she pledged another $200,000 to the foundation that Malala herself will run.           
The film of the men talking about their bullets for their women was shown during an exceptional panel called “The Next Malalas,” with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour interviewing Brohi; another young woman activist from Pakistan, Humaira Bachal; and Sharmeen Obaid Chinoy, the documentary filmmaker. (Obaid Chinoy’s extraordinary Saving Face, which tells the story of women in Pakistan horribly disfigured by their husbands or other relatives throwing acid on their faces, won the Oscar for best documentary last year.)
Their own testimony about their life and work in Pakistan was as thoughtful and practical as it was inspiring to many people in the Koch Theater at Lincoln Center.           
 “There is absolutely nothing honorable about restricting women’s education,” said Bachal, whose Dream Foundation has so far helped to educate 2,000 women. “Actually this is a power game,” she said. “Men just want to treat women like an animal in our society, and they feel if the women are educated, they demand their rights. So this is basically power.”           
In Bachal’s own case, her mother had to chop wood in a forest to sell to pay for her school fees, and when their community discovered this, her family was told they had to leave. But Bachal persisted and built her school, right in the middle of a gang-infested neighborhood with a great deal of violence. She tells the thugs around her they can do what they want to each other, but nothing happens to her kids. And so it is. “She doesn’t talk any nonsense,” says Obaid Chinoy.
All these women understand that the way to help other women and girls most effectively is not to fight the waves of prejudice, as if they were trying to beat back the tide, but to work with the men—educating them, persuading them persistently and, indeed, relentlessly.           
Brohi, who was 17 and lost a friend from her village to an “honor killing,” said that, at first, she thought a campaign reflecting her fury would bring change, but eventually realized that it wouldn’t work. Now 24, and the head of an organization called Sughar, which creates employment for women in the tribal areas, she says she works to bring into her cause the power of these men who talk about “a bullet” and then use that power to help effect change. When Amanpour marveled at her patience with the elder talking about “a bullet” in the film clip, Broghi had a ready answer. “I think I was being patient over there,” she said, “because I knew that this man would one day be working for me.”
All three of the Pakistani women on stage at the Women in the World Summit wanted to be sure the audience understood that there are many, many more like Malala and themselves in their country. When Malala was shot, said Bachal, “we realized this was the face of our society.” But she added: “In Pakistan, every day a new Malala” is born.
 “This is the narrative of Pakistan that never gets out,” said Obaid Chinoy. “We cannot allow fear to take over our lives. If we choose to stay there, we must fight every single day.”            
The struggle begins at home for these women. Brohi said her family was very supportive at first, but as Sughar grew into a full-fledged operation that sells fashion accessories made by tribal women and works to liberate more of them around the country, Brohi faced a backlash that included the bombing of one of the Sughar offices when she was in it. Her father began to worry that the whole project was out of hand, and, of course, he began to worry about her life. By the time she told him she was going to go to New York for the Women in the World Summit, he was against it.
 “I told him not doing this work would kill me,” said Brohi. “Doing this work would keep me alive.” And her father said, “Yes.”           
So did every person who heard her at Women in the World.

http://www.thedailybeast.com/witw/articles/2013/04/08/khalida-broghi-answering-a-bullet.html?utm_medium=referral&utm_source=pulsenews