Sunday, November 8, 2015

Pakistan most dangerous countries for women.


Pakistan

Those polled cited cultural, tribal and religious practices harmful to women, including acid attacks, child and forced marriage and punishment or retribution by stoning or other physical abuse.
More than 1,000 women and girls are victims of “honour killings” every year, according to Pakistan’s Human Rights Commission.

 90% of women in Pakistan face domestic violence.












 



 



According to a 2001 poll of experts by the Thomson Reuters Foundation Poll, Pakistan is the third most dangerous country for women in the world. It cited the more than 1,000 women and girls murdered in "honor killings" every year and reported that 90 percent of Pakistani women suffer from domestic violence.
Westerners usually associate the plight of Pakistani women with religious oppression, but the reality is far more complicated. A certain mentality is deeply ingrained in strictly patriarchal societies like Pakistan. Poor and uneducated women must struggle daily for basic rights, recognition, and respect. They must live in a culture that defines them by the male figures in their lives, even though these women are often the breadwinners for their families.
Quietly, slowly, in piecemeal legal reforms, female empowerment is coming in Pakistan. You meet inspiring women daily here. Sympathetic employers sometimes give protection and assistance, as do other women who've fared better. NGOs and charitable organizations try to help empower women, but not all women take advantage of these resources. They fear their husbands, attracting unwanted attention, somehow hurting the honor of their families, or, often, they simply do not know that help exists. With female literacy at 36% many women are too uneducated to know their rights.
A difficult irony for women in Pakistan is that, should a victim speak up about physical or sexual abuse, she is seen as having lost her and her family's dignity. Many rapes go unreported as the victim fears she will become worthless in Pakistani society. Often, women will turn to their employers; families they can trust. It's a typically unnoticed form of charity but one that can be crucial to their survival.
These are the stories of six poor, working women of different ages, backgrounds, and life experiences in the Pakistani city of Karachi, where I grew up and where I met them. In interviews, which I have translated, edited, and condensed below, they told me about their lives and struggles within a cycle of poverty and, often times, violence.
These women have consented to share the stories and photos so that the world might better understand the challenges they face. For their safety, I have not used their full names.

Ayesha, age 18

Every poor girl wishes for more education, for the opportunity to learn and go to school; for a childhood. But many of us are not that fortunate. The day my brother was born was bittersweet; I was no longer allowed to go to school. Due to the increased household responsibilities, my father told me that I must stay home and eventually begin to work.
On the night of his birth, while my whole family was celebrating, I went to my uncle's house to get more bread. I didn't know a young man was there. In the empty home, he took advantage of me; he did things that I didn't understand; he touched my chest. Before I could realize, there was a cloth over my mouth and I was being raped. I was having trouble walking back home; I felt faint and I had a headache. This happens a lot in villages. Young girls are raped, murdered, and buried. No one is able to trace them after their disappearance. If a woman is not chaste, she is unworthy of marriage. All he did is ask for forgiveness and they let him go as it was best to avoid having others find out what had happened. He didn't receive any punishment even though he ruined me. People may have forgotten what he did, but I never forgot. Now, he is married and living his life happily. I blame my own fate; I am just unlucky that this happened to me.
When I began working, I was afraid. I guess it was natural, I was only ten. I consider myself lucky though. In the homes where I worked, I was responsible taking care of the children; getting them ready, feeding them and playing with them. I used to have so much fun. I felt like I was a child among them. I was able to relive my own childhood. Soon, I became so used to working that I began feeling safer and happier at work than in my own home and village. Our village is full of intoxication and indecent and disrespectful men; men like my own father.
At the moment, we live in Karachi in a small home with one room and the floor is broken. Whenever I would visit my parents, either I would witness abusive arguments between them or something far more disturbing. Since I was young, my father had always beaten my mother shamelessly. My entire family is aware of my father's abuse; it is no secret. My mother is very obedient; she never says no to my father. She leaves home for work at 8 am and only returns at midnight. Even if she is tired, she does everything to make him happy; she runs our home and cooks whatever he wishes. All the men in our village beat their wives, it is a norm and women continue to let it happen. Maybe it is fear, maybe it is desperation, I never quite understood.



Injustices against Baloch by Pakistan.

 Article in Daily Times on the Injustices against Baloch by Pakistan.
An unbridgeable chasm of distrust
The government wages a subtle demographic war in Balochistan that has witnessed the highest population increase of approximately 250 percent
Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur
November 08, 2015


An unnamed security officer told journalist Zahid Gishkori: “We are going for a four-layer plan for the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), integrated with a new security policy and an estimated 32,000 security personnel will guard over 14,321 Chinese workers engaged in some 210 small and mega projects in Pakistan.” This means some two-and-a-half security personnel will protect every Chinese national. This plan includes the presence of over 500 Chinese security personnel for capacity building of the newly raised special force. It also means Chinese boots on the ground in Balochistan and that is just the beginning.
A ministry of interior official disclosed that according to this plan Balochistan would get more security as six wings (5,700 personnel) of the Frontier Corps (FC), 3,000 police constables and 1,000 Levies personnel would guard all the routes. The Pakistan marines and the border security forces would also guard the port and its adjacent routes. He added that the military was setting up a special security force (nine battalions) comprising an estimated 12,000 personnels’ induction into the special division to be headed by a serving major general. So, there is going to be the militarisation of Balochistan on the excuse of protecting the Chinese for the CPEC’s projects.
Not content with this martial law being imposed in Gwadar to protect the Chinese, simultaneously it is being made out of bounds for the Baloch. The in-charge of the Gwadar security force, Brigadier Shahzad Iftikhar Bhatti, disclosed that new resident cards would be issued to citizens of the port city. He said, “The responsibility to make Gwadar a safe city has been given to the Pakistan army and new army check points had been established at the entrance of the port city to enhance the security for foreign investors and the general masses.” This in practical terms means that along with repression the demography will be suitably doctored.

This demography thing cannot be brushed off lightly. The government wages a subtle demographic war in Balochistan that has witnessed the highest population increase of approximately 250 percent. Senator Jehanzeb Jamaldini disclosed to a Senate committee: “The government settled four million people in various parts of Balochistan in the past three decades.” Add to this the introduction of religion into the political, social and cultural ethos to wreak fundamentalist changes within society and it confirms the Baloch view that the Pakistani establishment is waging an all out war to obliterate the Baloch identity forever.
The Baloch view all this with trepidation as even without the excuse of protecting the Chinese and their infrastructure they have, for nearly 68 years, been at the receiving end of state committed atrocities as punishment for political dissent and autonomy demands. They realise that with $ 46 billion up for grabs (incidentally this is not all that big a sum; Exxon oil profits in 2008 were $ 46 billion), the establishment will unleash the most vicious brutality. There is not a day when the media does not trumpet the killing of so many militants or their capture. Last month, Balochistan’s home secretary admitted that more than 8,000 persons were in custody. The FC, intelligence agencies, army and death squads enjoy immunity with total impunity. The vice-Chairman of the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons, Mama Qadeer Baloch, says that more than 20,000 people were missing even before the authorities admitted these arrests.

A four tier security in Balochistan is the natural consequence of the four tier exploitation, suppression, oppression and repression on political, economic, cultural and social fronts that has been practiced since March 27, 1948 when Pakistan forcibly annexed Balochistan and made exploitative policy the cornerstone of its governance in Balochistan. All this has created an unbridgeable chasm of distrust between the Baloch people and the Pakistani establishment, which has led to so many sacrifices on the part of the Baloch, and they continue to resist unwaveringly.
How do you expect the people to trust so-called development and progress when all that trumpeted progress and development simply means enriching the coloniser? Sui gas was discovered there in the early 1950s; how much of that valuable resource was used for the Baloch people? Most of it since then and even now is used for Punjab and was initially used for Sindh as well. The Saindak copper and gold mine has given nothing to even the people of Chaghai. The fishermen are restrained from fishing by the navy near the numerous naval bases along the coast. The story goes on and on.
The question of why the Baloch resist this so-called progress and development is asked quite often. This question has very valid answers that the colonists and their supporters fail to see or understand. In August, Mr Majeed Akhter, an assistant professor of geography at the Indiana University, Bloomington wrote a piece, ‘Infrastructures of colonialism and resistance’ and in it dealt with this issue, especially of CPEC from the Algerian revolutionary Frantz Fanon’s viewpoint.
He says, “Fanon argued that the social-scientific and political categories - like ‘modernity’ and ‘development’– simply do not work when trying to understand the actions of colonised peoples in colonised spaces. This is especially true when we speak of the attitude of the colonised towards a coloniser’s attempts to develop or modernise its colonised spaces through technology. Technological impositions from the coloniser are rejected, often violently, by the colonised. This is true even when technological ‘gifts’ may appear to be universally beneficial such as in the case of vaccines or dams. The colonised cannot disassociate the technological artifact from the culture and agenda of the coloniser.”
He adds, “Thus, the resistance against dams in Balochistan is not a rejection of modernity. It is, first and foremost, a rejection of the coloniser’s version of modernity. For the colonised, the coloniser’s version of modernity cannot be separated from the will to subordinate the colonised.”
In a nut shell, for the colonised, the coloniser’s version of modernity cannot be separated from the will to subordinate the colonised. Furthermore, the Baloch do not disassociate the CPEC and other so-called development projects like Reko Diq from the culture and agenda of the coloniser and hence resist it. The Baloch, having suffered immeasurably at the hands of the Pakistani establishment since March 27, 1948, therefore naturally view all the so-called development as a threat to their political, economic, cultural and social rights and an attempt to do away with their identity so they have at a huge cost relentlessly resisted all sorts of intrusions and infringements.