Wednesday, June 26, 2013

Living with Jihadistan .




 

Books by American academics, officials and journalists on India and Pakistan almost invariably portray reluctance of the authors to call a spade a spade. They underplay the serious global implications of Pakistan's links with radical Islamist terrorist groups and the dangerous role of these groups within Pakistan and beyond its borders, particularly in India and Afghanistan. Bruce Riedel is different. He is an American specialist on the Middle East, South Asia and counter-terrorism, with 29 years' experience in the CIA. He has also served four presidents in the White House.

Riedel's new book, Avoiding Armageddon: America, India and Pakistan to the Brink and Back, is a colourful and interesting account of the imperatives, twists and turns of America's policies, especially since the days of World War II and the subsequent partition of the sub-continent in August 1947. While the birth pangs of the partition, the dispute over   Jammu and Kashmir and the India-Pakistan conflicts of 1965 and 1971 are covered factually and impartially, it is important for all those interested in the geopolitics of India's neighbourhood to read and absorb Riedel's analysis of how the US cultivated Pakistan's military dictator, General Zia-ul-Haq, to "bleed" the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. In the process, America made Pakistan a playground for radical Islamist groups worldwide, which undermined security and stability within Pakistan and across its entire neighbourhood.
Avoiding Armageddon
Avoiding Armageddon: America, India,
and Pakistan  to the brink and back by
Bruce Riedel.

HarperCollins Price: Rs.499 Pages:230    
Between The Covers: Riedel's new book
 is a colourful and interesting account of the
imperatives, twists and turns of America's
policies, especially since the days of World
War II and the subsequent partition of the
 sub-continent.
General Zia laid the foundations for Pakistan's ambitions to make Afghanistan a radical Islamic state and the epicentre for global jihad. Over 80,000 Afghans were armed and trained by the isi during the Zia period, with an aim of ending Afghan territorial claims on Pakistan and eliminating Indian and Soviet influence there, while also making Afghanistan "a real, Islamic State, part of a pan-Islamic revival that will one day win over the Muslims of the Soviet Union". Riedel reveals how General Zia used the Afghan conflict for carrying his enthusiasm for jihad into Jammu and Kashmir, following a secret meeting with Kashmiri Jamat-e-Islami leader Maulana Abdul Bari in 1980. Riedel also reveals Zia's role in fomenting terrorism in Punjab in the 1980s. He exposes US duplicity in rewarding Pakistan in the 1980s, by deliberately turning a blind eye to its nuclear weapons programme.
Riedel explains how short-sighted American policies promoted Wahhabi-oriented radicalisation in a nuclear-armed Pakistan. These policies also increased the dominance of the army, weakening democratic institutions. They led to the emergence of global links between radical Islamist organisations in Pakistan and Afghanistan and their counterparts across the world. The Kargil conflict is discussed in detail, as is the military standoff that followed the December 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament. Riedel is unsparing on the links of the isi with the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). He dwells on the nexus between isi-supported terrorist groups like the let and the Jaish-e-Mohammed, with the Taliban and with groups like the al Qaeda and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. The book commences with the 26/11 terrorist strike on Mumbai. The actions of the let and its chief Hafiz Mohammed Saeed and their terrorist links are clinically analysed. Riedel describes how the tentacles of the ISI extend from the let to the Taliban and jihadi groups worldwide.


 

Riedel spells out two nightmare scenarios. The first is a takeover of Pakistan's nuclear weapons by terrorists. The second nightmare he alludes to is a 26/11-type terrorist attack leading to nuclear escalation, after an angered India responds militarily. Where one disagrees with him is when he attributes the terrorist links of the isi almost exclusively to "its obsession with India". He does not bother to explain how the isi "obsession with India" justifies its sheltering Osama bin Laden, whose primary "obsession" was the US and not India. There is a tendency to suggest that concessions, unlimited patience, restraint and understanding from India will end Pakistan's transgressions worldwide. He appears to deny the reality that galloping cancer requires surgical treatment and not Band Aid.
Nevertheless, Riedel is the first influential American who has starkly spelt the challenges that Pakistan poses to the world. His focus on the need for greater economic cooperation, integration and interdependence and expanded civil society ties between India and Pakistan and indeed across South Asia including Afghanistan, is what every right thinking Indian desires. Moreover, what he suggests about converting the loc in Jammu and Kashmir in the longer term, into an international border, was really what Mrs Indira Gandhi sought, but failed to achieve, after the Simla Summit in 1972. The environment, however, needs to be created to move in this direction. Such an environment sadly does not exist today. Like most western observers, Riedel focuses excessively on an Indian response to another 26/11 type terrorist attack, leading to nuclear escalation by Pakistan. He totally absolves China of any responsibility in its fuelling and fostering Pakistan's nuclear ambitions. Moreover, he does not recognise that despite their nuclear rhetoric, Pakistan's generals live too comfortably to be suicidal.
Riedel's book is essential reading, especially for all those who have a romanticised perception of the challenges India faces while dealing with a radicalised and militaristic Pakistan.
- G. Parthasarathy is a former diplomat and foreign affairs commentator

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